In the heat of the U.S. Presidential Elections in 2008, I was studying in Iowa, a state with historical and strategic significance for American elections. Though not eligible to vote in the U.S., I was keenly aware of my enthusiastic peers rallying for an unfamiliar political face – that of an African American or of a woman – for possibly the most influential job in the world.
Around the country, political activity especially spurred among young people and minorities, urging for a new approach to American politics and foreign relations.
Around the world, also, the popularity of Obama was unprecedented for any other Presidential candidates in American history.
In the end, the mobilization of youth in the campaign catalyzed changes in American politics and the country’s appeal to the world. Many then asked – What made Obama so appealing to the young people? What caused the mass mobilization of youth and the sudden surge of political and civic awareness among American youth and perhaps other young people around the world?
***
In Cambodia since July 2009, I have noticed that the education and career prospects for youth are crucial factors sustaining the country’s stable and sustainable growth. Following decades of warfare and political instability, the country is now in the midst of a baby boom. 51% of the population (about 14 million) is below 25 years old and 33% below 14 years old.
Unfortunately, weaknesses in the Cambodian education system still obstruct many children and youth from gaining the necessary vocational skills and qualifications for decent work. In fact, although 94.4% of children below 12 years old are enrolled in primary schools, almost half of them would quit school by Grade 7. The lower secondary net enrolment rate (NER) and upper secondary NER (for children of suitable age) are merely 33% and 15% respectively.
Further, few people would appreciate the dysfunctional public school system. After all, only offered meagre wages, most teachers – already limited in training for the profession – had little motivation to teach. Very often, teacher absenteeism is just as serious as student absenteeism.
Despite these negative facts and statistics, I have seen a few young Cambodians who have had the fortunate opportunity to enrol in the few credible institutions in Cambodia or pursue advanced studies abroad. Some of them came from wealthy or politically influential families and could financially support their studies. Others, with few business and political connections, worked extra hard to avoid falling into the gaps of the education system.
Occasionally, at work, I would meet some His Excellencies (high-level government officials) who have lived abroad, worked overseas or obtained PhDs from institutions in Japan, Korea, the U.S. or Europe. Some of them are merely in their late 20s or early 30s. Among the few I have met, some are holding top positions in pilot institutions for “public administration reform,” an effort initiated by the Prime Minister to enhance governance. Others are actively involved in drafting the country’s first National Social Protection Strategy, seeking innovative ways to include the poorest and most vulnerable in the country’s development. The capabilities and competencies of these young politicians justify increasing investment in education Moreover, the emergence of these young and successful politicians may have deep implications for the country’s economic development and democratic governance. Specifically, how could higher education levels among children and youth be translated into economic growth? How would the political activity of this young and energetic generation enhance the legitimacy of the Royal Government? How would the intellectual capacity and worldview of these young Excellencies contribute to policy improvement and sustainable growth?
***
In early January 2010, my three-week vacation in Hong Kong led me to witness the political weight of the young generation (my generation). Dubbed the post-80 generation (born from 1980 to 1989, in Chinese: 八十後), these young activists stood alongside the pan-democratic legislators to push for universal suffrage by 2012. They opposed the propositions of the government and the Beijing loyalists, who preferred a slower pace of democratization (universal suffrage for Chief Executive by 2017 and Legislative Council by 2020, as put forth by the Chinese authorities).
When the Hong Kong Government attempted to push through a multi-billion dollar proposal to build a high-speed railway to Mainland China, this post-80 group rose up unexpectedly. Although without any organizational hierarchy or leadership structure, these young people spread information through the internet and SMS, gathered in great numbers (in the thousands), rallied in the streets and at times clashed with the police. Even Long Hair, commonly perceived as the most radical anti-government legislator, had to ask these young angry youth to “calm down.”
8-9 January 2010: when it became clear that the government and Beijing loyalists would ignore public discontent and push through the funding proposal, the post-80s initiated a “happy rebellion” (快樂抗爭) around the Legislative Council Building. In the day time, they set up a fair to sell food and souvenirs – all items donned with names lamenting the undemocratic legislature and the dumb government. In the evening, they gathered to sing songs and held open-mic sessions to share public policy views. They also supported efforts to filibuster the funding proposal, supplied numerous queries via email and SMS for government officials and hence helped to delay the formal voting procedures.
16 January 2010: When the filibuster strategy finally failed, they camped around the Legislative Council, blocked adjacent roads and trapped government officials and legislators in the building for more than six hours. In turn, they demanded face-to-face consultation with the responsible officials.
Many people scratched our heads and asked: Where did these young protestors come from? What is the basis of their anger towards the government? Is this young generation more rebellious, less tolerant or less equipped to go through difficult times? What makes this generation more rebellious (more outspoken, radical and violent) than their parents’ and grandparents’ generation?
***
As many people were puzzled by the actions and behaviours of the young generation (again, my generation), I became interested in exploring the motivations behind their activities and the effectiveness of these young agents yearning for social changes. Although I cannot grasp all aspects of these activities in Hong Kong, and around the world, I would like to share some of my thoughts in the following weeks.
Hundreds Protest Costly Railway Project in Hong Kong, Reuters, 8 Jan 2010.
Other news items in Chinese:
116立法會外，3個中學同學, 明報, 2010年1月24日
高鐵撥款通過, 議事論事 (video), 2010年1月21日
反叛有理 (part 1), RTHK, 2009年12月20日
反叛有理 (part 2), RTHK, 2009年12月20日
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